“In 2009, a parking lot construction project in Valle da Gafaria (Leper Valley), a site just outside the original walls of the city of Lagos, uncovered two burial sites. One of these was an urban waste dump found to contain 158 bodies dating back to the 15th century.8 Several factors led researchers to believe that these skeletons belonged to enslaved Africans: the bodies had been thrown into the grave haphazardly, in disregard of Christian burial traditions. Furthermore, several objects suggesting that the bodies were those of enslaved people – including a rare amulet, a replica of which is on display in the Slave Market Museum itself – were found inter alia. A conclusion was reached after the application of morphological analysis: the bodies belonged to men, women and children inhumed in a variety of positions, some of whom had been buried with their hands and arms shackled. These bodies were a significant discovery in the field of forensic anthropology, with researchers noting in 2016 that ‘[n]ot only are there few cemeteries of enslaved people in the world, but until now, Lagos is the only sample to be discovered and studied in the Old World.’”
“During the first half of the 20th century under the António de Oliveira Salazar dictatorship (1932-1974), projects were ongoing throughout Portugal which aimed to restructure Portugal’s customs houses. However, in the case of Lagos’s custom house building, inspectors came to the conclusion that the facades of the building should not in any way be modified.19 In fact, rather than remodeling completely the customs house, it was instead decided that the building should be classified as a Monumento Histórico (Historic Monument) due to the fact that it marked the site where enslaved people were first sold in Lagos. It thus constituted, in the eyes of the regime, an important monument celebrating Portugal’s Século de Ouro (Golden Age), the period in which Portugal rose in prominence as a colonial power – a success premised, among other things, on finance generated from the slave trade. In light of this, it becomes clear that the building’s function has been utterly transformed: where it was once preserved as a monument to slavery, it now functions as a museum which seeks to explore and critically engage with Portugal’s historic involvement in the trade. Whether the museum’s engagement with its subject matter is sufficient remains up for discussion.”
“Instead of analyzing the role of slavery in Portugal’s history and its afterlife in Portugal today, the museum narrates a carefully worded story in past tense and passive voice to hold slavery and its afterlife firmly in the past.”
“there are no exhibits that deal with or make reference to the Afro-community still integral to the Portuguese landscape, who live there today and call the country their home. There can be no doubt that the museum has a curatorial problem – many of the descriptions in the guide and on the museum’s wall are quite poorly or insensitively translated.”
“One such instance of contestation emerged after visitors – particularly those of Afro-heritage – complained to museum staff about a skeleton on display in the museum. This was one of the skeletons dug up in the 2009 excavation, displayed in the museum until the renovations took place in 2016 and the exhibit was removed.”
“In 2015, the Lagos government moved forward with the planned construction of a mini-golf course just outside the parking lot space where the bones were discovered.” (see ^burial-site)
“he statue of Prince Henry, along with many other statues commemorating the town’s maritime successes, were erected during the Salazar dictatorship, a far-right regime strongly modeled on Fascist Italy under Mussolini and the country’s longest ever dictatorship (1932-1974). The residents of Lagos, and the face of the city itself, were subject to enormous violence during the period. As part of a nationalistic identity-building project, the dictatorship ordered that all buildings, including the houses of Lagos’s residents, be razed to the ground if they blocked the city’s wall from view. It was during this period that these statues were erected. Dr. Elena Morán opposes these statues being taken down, since they offer the people of Lagos a reminder that this regime happened, that their people suffered.35 To take them down, she argues, would be to erase this history, and to undermine the hardship undergone by the people”
“A recount of how the Slave Market Museum’s location was secured suggests that key decision-makers were – at least initially – driven by reasons other than a desire to confront Portugal’s historic ties to the slave trade. In 2009, the building where the Slave Market Museum is now located was managed by the Messe Militar de Lagos.38 The Lagos City Council’s request for the ground floor was initially denied because the property was being used by the Army for its permanent activities.39 It seems that the use of the building was subsequently secured through an appeal by the then-Mayor of Lagos Júlio Barroso to President Aníbal Cavaco Silva, asking the latter to intervene.40 Barroso based his appeal on several factors, including Lagos’s historical connection to the Discoveries, a broader project to restore the entire Praça do Infante D. Henrique, and the Slave Market’s status as a significant tourist attraction” see ^colonial-period-as-tourism
“Three observations may be made about the decision-making dynamics. First, the bulk of decision-making seems to have been made by public figures, organizations and members of Lagos’s municipal council and museum team, rather than through grassroots initiatives. Furthermore, it seems that no people of Afro-heritage or Afro members of the community of Lagos were confronted regarding any of the decisions. This might explain many of the museum’s apparent incongruencies, even insensitivities. Second, a limiting factor in the decision-making process appears to be economic. This has been emphasised by the council as one of the key reasons the Valle da Gafaria excavation is yet to be memorialised. Indeed, Spenst persuasively argues that decision-making processes in relation to the museum consistently prioritized economic values over social ones. Precisely which bodies have the power to make these decisions is unclear – it certainly does not appear to be in the hands of those involved in the curation, direction and day-to-day running of the museum itself. Third, the decision-making processes have not been documented in a way that is easily accessible. There is definitely scope for clearer documentation – e.g. on a website dedicated to the Museum. This is particularly crucial in relation to profoundly sensitive material such as human remains.”